Results
Eritrea General Background
Eritrea is a young, low-income country located within the Horn of Africa. After waging one of Africa’s longest liberation wars of the 1900s, it eventually gained independence in 1991. Eritrea has an area of approximately 124,000 square kilometers, and is divided into six main political administrative regions. The country has a population of approximately 3.5 million people, which is distributed between nine separate ethno-linguistic groups, and its per-capita GDP is approximately $US 780. The population of Eritrea is split almost evenly between Christianity and Islam, with each representing nearly half of the population (EPHS 2010; IMF 2016; World Bank 2018).
Eritrea has made commendable progress within the health sector: life expectancy has increased; maternal, infant and child mortality rates have reduced dramatically; immunization coverage has rocketed; malaria mortality and morbidity have plummeted; and HIV prevalence has decreased considerably (Eritrea MDG 2014; Pose and Samuels 2011; UNDP 2014; WHO 2014). Although these developments reflect considerable progress, the country continues to face a variety of significant issues, including regional conflict and instability, poverty reduction, socio-political challenges, erratic rainfall and the potential for severe drought, infrastructure development, food security, a shortage of skilled labor and macroeconomic imbalances (AfDB 2016; EPHS 2010; Eritrea MDG 2014; IMF 2003; Pose and Samuels 2011; World Bank 2018).
Pornography in Eritrea
In Eritrea, pornography is illegal and punishable by law (Penal Code 2015). 5 The government-owned national telecommunications provider blocks pornographic websites, while Internet cafes frequently post signs to remind customers that viewing pornographic websites is not allowed.6 Moreover, with Eritrea being a highly religious, conservative, tradition-bound country, pornography is a taboo issue. As put by several informants, sex is a “sensitive subject,” and “it is
5 According to Article 313 (“Obscene or Indecent Publications”) of the Penal Code of the State of Eritrea, “A person who publicly distributes, displays or traffics in writings, images, posters, films, objects or other communications that are obscene or grossly indecent, is guilty of obscenity, a Class 1 petty offence, punishable with a definite term of imprisonment of not less than 6 months and not more than 12 months, or a fine of 20,001-50,000 Nakfas, to be set in intervals of 2,500 Nakfas” (Penal Code of the State of Eritrea 2015). Note that 15 Nakfa is equal to approximately 1USD.
6 Similarly, in many other countries across Africa and throughout the surrounding region, pornography is illegal (e.g., the vast majority of the Middle East and North Africa, as well as Ethiopia, Uganda, and many others).
not openly discussed,” while pornography “is totally unacceptable and against the religious and socio-cultural values of our country.”7
Despite prohibitive legislation and conservative socio-cultural norms, however, pornography, which is sometimes referred to as “chum-chum” in local youth terminology or slang, is still available and relatively easily accessible. According to one young man, “pretty much any time that you want it, you can get it…you just have to know where or from who.” In numerous discussions, both young male and female respondents described how classmates, peers, and others that they knew had collections of pornographic clips, images, and videos, and that these were regularly distributed materials via mobile phones and computers. A number of respondents also explained how they kept collections of images and videos on flash drives or external hard disks and that they frequently exchanged materials with others.
In Eritrea, especially within the capital, Asmara, and other large urban centers, there are a number of small entertainment and electronics shops that, in addition to selling local and international music and videos, discreetly sell pornographic materials for a very small fee. Additionally, although many pornographic websites are blocked and Internet cafes employ filters, some Internet users utilize virtual private networks to access pornographic materials.
Survey results
Using anonymous survey questionnaires, data was collected from 317 undergraduate students (mean age 21.47, SD 3.65) from several colleges and institutions of higher education in Eritrea. Results, reported in Table 1, show that 69.09% of respondents have ever viewed pornography, with the average age at first exposure being 16.9. In terms of gender breakdown, 78.03% of male respondents have ever viewed pornography, while 58.33% of female respondents ever viewed pornography. When focusing only on the previous 12 months, 46.37% of survey participants reported that they have viewed pornography. Regarding gender, male respondents reported higher frequency of pornography viewing than female participants. Specifically, 58.96% of male respondents viewed pornography within the last 12 months, while 31.25% of female respondents viewed pornography within the last 12 months. As well, 81.39% of respondents declared that they knew of others who consumed or viewed pornography. Generally, these mainly included friends, classmates, and neighbors.
Results illustrate that pornography is viewed through various ways. Most respondents (42.90%) view pornography on a mobile phone, although laptops were also a relatively common medium for viewing (35.02%). Just under a quarter view pornography on a desktop computer (22.08%). No respondents reported viewing pornography in adult magazines, books, or comics, which is unsurprising since these materials are generally unavailable in the country. In terms of the popularity of laptops and mobile phones, in recent years, access to and use of ICT and mobile phones has increased considerably across Eritrea. This growth appears to be an important factor in accessing and sharing of pornography. For example, greater exposure to the Internet allows easier access to pornography, while many young people who own smartphones can easily download material to view themselves or share with others. Additionally, since many respondents reside within campus dormitories, parental supervision or monitoring is reduced, thus providing more opportunity to privately view pornography.
According to interviews as well as survey results, young people view pornography for a variety of reasons. Some respondents turned to pornography for entertainment purposes. For
7 Years ago, the United Nations Mission to Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) became notorious for the involvement of an international peacekeeper in making pornographic movies with a local woman in Eritrea (BBC 2004).
example, a group of young males explained that they often viewed pornography with friends in their dormitories, “for fun,” and when they were “bored.” As well, however, many young people turn to pornography for learning and information purposes or to answer questions about sex, a finding that corroborates research findings from other settings (Cheney et al. 2017; Hald 2006). In Eritrea, people are highly reticent to openly talk about sex, while health education and life skills programs in schools often quickly cover the topic.8 Consequently, young people are left with many unanswered questions, leading them to turn to peers or pornography, which can easily and quickly fill the information gap. According to many respondents, “you can’t really talk about it with parents or your teachers…no way,” so “pornography can provide answers, whether right or wrong, where others are not there.” As well, a number of respondents explained, “some friends, classmates, and other people that I know have used it to gather information or to answer questions about sex.”
Interestingly, some respondents explained that they had not intentionally searched for pornography materials, instead unwittingly or accidentally coming across it when browsing the Internet. For example, some noted how they had been searching for other information and were then directed to pornographic sites through unwanted “pop ups” and “mouse trapping”. Others noted that they were exposed to pornographic material in e-mails and instant messages through “cat fishing.” One young female respondent explained, “I was just randomly browsing the Internet for materials to complete some homework and it just suddenly popped up after I clicked some link. More and more pages just kept popping up…I couldn’t close them fast enough. I was so embarrassed…I just shut off the computer.”9
8 Respondents noted how these courses and programs mainly cover anatomy and the dangers of sexually transmitted infections and diseases or pregnancy. Pornography is not addressed as part of the courses or programs.
9 Many students, particularly those originally from rural areas, often have little experience with computers or the Internet, thus lacking the risk attenuation or media literacy required to properly identify or deal with online dangers and content. As noted above, life skills or health education courses and programs in schools do not include content about the Internet, pornography, or general online safety
Table 1: Exposure to Pornography Among Eritrean Undergraduate Students 
Table 2 presents results from Pearson’s chi square tests of association. Results show that there is a statistically significant association between gender and having ever viewed pornography, as well as between gender and having viewed pornography within the past year. Specifically, males are significantly more likely than females both to have ever viewed pornography and to have viewed pornography within the past year. Generally, these results are consistent with a substantial amount of previous work within different international contexts which has found that males are more likely to view pornography or view it with more frequency (Carroll, Padilla-Walker, Nelson, Olson, Barry, and Madsen 2008; Lim, Agius, Carrotte, Vella, and Hellard 2017; Hald 2006; Hald and Stulhofer 2016; Sabina, Wolak, and Finkelhor 2008). Although in Eritrea there are conservative socio-cultural norms surrounding the topic of sex, which means it is often not openly or actively discussed, there also exists a sexual double standard.10 This double standard sees women and men held to different standards of sexual behavior and it promotes a general belief that men are naturally oriented toward sex and sexual behavior, whereas women are not. Consequently,
10Previous work has revealed much evidence of a double standard in other African countries and societies (NjikamSavage and Tchombe 1994).
this may contribute to pornography use among women, who are socially expected to have more subdued sexual behavior, being more socially unacceptable than it is for men.11
Additionally, results from the chi square tests show that there is a statistically significant association between having ever viewed pornography and knowing others who view pornography, as well as between viewing pornography within the past year and knowing others who view pornography
Table 2: Results of Chi Square Tests of Association 
Previous empirical work has suggested that viewing pornography may be associated with negative attitudes toward women and less progressive gender role beliefs. A one-way ANOVA was conducted to explore the potential impact of consuming pornography on viewers’ attitudes toward women. Specifically, the ANOVA helps to determine possible differences in attitudes toward women between participants that had viewed pornography and those that had not. The first analysis explored possible differences in attitudes between those that had ever viewed pornography and those that had not ever viewed it. There was no statistically significant difference in attitudes toward women between the two groups (F = 2.359, p = 0.126). In the second analysis, differences in attitudes toward women between those that had viewed pornography within the previous year and those that had not were explored. Results show that there was a statistically significant difference in attitudes between the two groups. Specifically, those that had consumed pornography within the past year held significantly less egalitarian, more negative attitudes toward women than those who did not consume pornography within the past year (F = 7.838, p = 0.005).
Although it cannot be definitely concluded or inferred that pornography use led to these outcomes, these results indicate that those who consume pornography hold different attitudes toward women than those who do not consume pornography. One possibility is that young people that repeatedly view pornography are frequently being exposed to the overt degradation and objectification of women that is reflected within it (Bergner and Bridges 2002; Bridges, Wosnitzer,
11 For example, the sexual double standard involves differing social judgments toward men and women when it comes to premarital sex, casual sex, having multiple partners, and style of dress – with women often being more stigmatized, derogated, and judged harshly
Scharrer, Sun, and Liberman 2010; Klaassen and Peter 2015). In turn, this may be influential in shaping their understandings or perspectives about gender roles and contribute to them developing more negative, less egalitarian attitudes toward women.
Table 3: One-Way Analysis of Variance Results 
Scores on the AWS ranged from 15 (minimum) to 45 (maximum), with a mean score of 29.83. The AWS was a reliable measure (Cronbach α =0.79).