Discussion
Analyzing the results of the review, in general, shows that some geographical areas present more empirical studies on the issue of leaving trafficking; in particular, the Asian region (the IndiaNepal area) presents an elevated number of studies, perhaps also due to its greater involvement in the phenomenon (Gunnell, 2004; Kaufman & Crawford, 2011; Crawford & Kaufman, 2008). Most of the review studies concerned adult women. It is also interesting to underline which types of prostitution have been identified in the review; generally, in the selected articles, the oriental (Asian) prostitution studies are indoor, specifically in brothels, while in Western studies (US) the outdoor phenomenon is also registered. In the selected articles with Asian samples, the indoor prostitution coincides with domestic sex trafficking, a particular type of practice which mainly involves minors who are forced to sell themselves in closed, controlled environments which are not, however, comparable to brothels or night/dance clubs typical of Eastern indoor prostitution. These variations may also be attributed to the different legislations enforced in each country (whether it considers prostitution a crime or not) and, above all, to the type of social norms present in these countries. Regarding cultural orientation, the only study that took this variable into consideration did not find great differences between collectivist and individualist orientation.
Figure 2. Intervening Factors in the Exit Process from Sex Trafficking 
Figure 2 summarizes the results, highlighting 7 facilitating factors for each level (individual, relational, structural) for a total of 7 factors that hinder and 3 that are ambiguous. The difference in the number of facilitating factors and hindering factors could be connected either to the researchers’ lack of attention to the obstacles that victims encounter during the exit, or to the fact that those who abandon sex trafficking must use a lot of internal and external resources to escape the situation of exploitation. Among the latter, the family appears to be controversial most likely because it is often implicated in the sale of the trafficked person (Fleisher, Johnston, Alon & Hunt, 2008; Surtees, 2008) or because it doesn’t want to keep in contact with the victim, considering it a dishonor. At the same time, the religious organizations have an ambiguous role. In part, religious movements can try to hinder human trafficking and modern forms of slavery by implementing programs in favor of the victims’ exit from exploitation (Potrafke, 2016). On the other hand, in some regions of the world, religious traditions can play an important role in the processes of subjugation and entry into trafficking, as in the case of the juju ritual for some areas of Africa (Ikeora, 2016; Van der Watt & Kruger, 2017). In regard to victim assistance services, studies show that they can be considered positive resources when they help people to enter into the socio-economic structure of the host country; that is, they can be positive if they do not limit their work to emergency interventions, but implement economic empowerment programs (e.g., micro credit actions). This is a crucial turning point because economic opportunities serve as a strategy to prevent victims’ return to sex industry; as evidenced by the models presented in the first part of the text (Månsson & Hedin, 1999; Sanders, 2007), the complete abandonment of the criminal networks connected with the sexual exploitation cannot be definite if there are no alternatives for a rewarding livelihood. Otherwise, it’s easy for that “entry-exit-re-entry” specified in “The Stage of Change Model” to occur (Prochaska, DiClemente & Norcross, 1992). Another shortcoming, of recovery services is their victimization of the people in charge; both health professionals and ordinary citizens face the risk of stigmatization (as emerges from this research). In this case, the review confirmed what previous theoretical studies had already hypothesized about the exposure to the stigma and labeling of trafficked persons, making not only the exit processes difficult, but also those of social inclusion, even in the workplace (Scambler & Paoli, 2008; Scambler, 2007). Substance consumption emerged among the ambiguous individual factors, while no mention was made of HIV, an illness that is extensively investigated by empirical studies dealing with sex trafficking or prostitution in general (Sarkar et al., 2018; Decker, McCauley, Phuengsamran, Janyam & Silverman, 2011; Silverman, Decker, Gupta, Maheshwari, Willis & Raj, 2007). It is most likely not considered a factor that intervenes strongly in the decision-making processes of people who want to get out of sexual trafficking; however, the role of HIV should be studied in depth because in the theoretical “The role exit model” (Ebaugh, 1988) it is one of the most probable turning points for abandoning paid sexual practice.
Finally, the relational factors that emerged from the review concern different stakeholders: clients, former work colleagues, friends, professionals, trafficking survivors, and children. This highlights how exiting from exploitation passes through a social network that sometimes colludes with the criminal system (as in the case of the clients or exploited colleagues). Professionals and survivors of trafficking come into play later; the exit process takes place slowly, with gradual steps that allow the passage from the criminal network to the “normal” one. The entire exit path is a process of empowerment for victims of sex trafficking. This process entails the rebuilding of one’s own self-esteem, regaining trust in oneself and in others, and reclaiming control over one’s life up to the point that one then desires to help those who are in their former condition.